International Journal of
Environmental Research
and Public Health
Article
Can Watching Online Videos Be Addictive? A Qualitative
Exploration of Online Video Watching among Chinese
Young Adults
Zeyang Yang
1,
*, Mark D. Griffiths
2
, Zhihao Yan
1,
* and Wenting Xu
1,
*
Citation: Yang, Z.; Griffiths, M.D.;
Yan, Z.; Xu, W. Can Watching Online
Videos Be Addictive? A Qualitative
Exploration of Online Video
Watching among Chinese Young
Adults. Int. J. Environ. Res. Public
Health 2021, 18, 7247. https://
doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18147247
Academic Editor: Paul B. Tchounwou
Received: 10 May 2021
Accepted: 3 July 2021
Published: 6 July 2021
Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral
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Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
1
Department of Psychology, School of Education, Soochow University, Suzhou 215123, China
2
International Gaming Research Unit, Psychology Department, Nottingham Trent University,
Nottingham NG1 4FQ, UK; mark.griffi[email protected]
* Correspondence: [email protected] (Z.Y.); [email protected] (Z.Y.);
[email protected] (W.X.)
Abstract:
Watching online videos (including short-form videos) has become the most popular leisure
activity in China. However, a few studies have reported the potential negative effects of online
video watching behaviors (including the potential for ‘addiction’) among a minority of individuals.
The present study investigated online video watching behaviors, motivational factors for watching
online videos, and potentially addictive indicators of watching online videos. Semi-structured
interviews were conducted among 20 young Chinese adults. Qualitative data were analyzed using
thematic analysis. Eight themes were identified comprising: (i) content is key; (ii) types of online
video watching; (iii) platform function hooks; (iv) personal interests; (v) watching becoming habitual;
(vi) social interaction needs; (vii) reassurance needs; and (viii) addiction-like symptoms. Specific
video content (e.g., mukbang, pornography), platform-driven continuous watching, and short-form
videos were perceived by some participants as being potentially addictive. Specific features or content
on Chinese online video platforms (e.g., ‘Danmu’ scrolling comments) need further investigation.
Future studies should explore users’ addictive-like behaviors in relation to specific types of online
video content and their social interaction on these platforms.
Keywords:
online video watching behaviors; qualitative study; short-form videos; mukbang;
online video watching addiction
1. Introduction
The number of online video watchers in China reached 927 million by the end of 2020,
an increase of 76.33 million since March 2020, and accounting for 93.7% of the total number
of Chinese internet users [
1
]. Among various online applications (e.g., shopping, mobile
payment, gaming, etc.), short-form video watching had the highest growth at 12% [
1
].
The number of online ‘short-form’ video watchers in China reached 873 million at the
end of 2020, an increase of 100 million since March 2020, accounting for 88.3% of the total
number of Chinese internet users [1].
According to a recent report, 23.9% of the new internet users in 2020 began with
online video watching applications [
2
]. The users of the Chinese online video platforms
are mainly aged 20–29 years (89.7%) and highly educated young adults (undergraduates
and above; 90.2%) [
2
]. Watching online videos provides pleasure for billions of individ-
uals worldwide, but excessive use is of potential concern. A representative nationwide
survey reported that the prevalence of internet addiction among Chinese college students
(
N = 6929
) was approximately 13% [
3
]. Online video applications might be one type of
application contributing to this figure in that they are designed to capture users’ interests,
which for some might result in excessive and/or problematic internet use [
4
]. Online video
platform operators use specific statistical analysis approaches and data mining techniques
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18147247 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/ijerph
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 2 of 14
(typically algorithms) to exploit the platform users’ preferences and create bespoke video
recommendations more effectively [
4
]. Therefore, research exploration of online video
watching behaviors among Chinese users is warranted.
1.1. Generalized Versus Specific Problematic Internet Use
Research dating back 25 years shows that excessive internet use may have some
detrimental effects, and that for a minority, it is potentially addictive [
5
,
6
]. Since then,
many studies have focused on problematic online behavior, including pathological inter-
net use (PIU) [
7
], internet use disorder (IUD) [
8
,
9
], problematic mobile phone use [
10
],
and social networking site addiction [
11
]. Griffiths argues that any behavior comprising
what he considers are the six core components of addiction (i.e., salience, mood modifi-
cation, tolerance, withdrawal, conflict, and relapse) can be defined as a true behavioral
addiction [12].
Davis distinguished two forms of PIU: generalized PIU and specific PIU [
7
]. General-
ized PIU refers to problematic internet use arising from individuals spending all their time
online comprising a number of different applications. Specific PIU refers to the problematic
use of a specific application or activity, such as online pornography, online gaming or
online gambling [
7
]. More recently, Brand et al. proposed the Interaction of Person-Affect-
Cognition Execution (I-PACE) model, which hypothesizes how specific online addictions
might be acquired, developed, and maintained [
9
]. One specific IUD (i.e., internet gaming
disorder [IGD]) was included in DSM-5 [
13
] and (as gaming disorder: predominantly
online) in the ICD-11 [
14
]. In both cases, functional impairment of an individual’s daily life
is key to diagnosis [15].
A growing number of studies have focused on specific problematic online activi-
ties, such as online gaming disorder [
16
], online gambling disorder [
17
], Facebook addic-
tion, [
18
], Instagram addiction [
19
], and YouTube Addiction [
20
], as well other specific
IUDs (e.g., online pornography use disorder, online shopping disorder [
21
]). However,
the concepts of generalized PIU and specific PIU remains debatable [
22
]. For instance,
Griffiths has long advocated that there is a fundamental difference between addictions on
the internet and addiction to the internet [
23
,
24
]. Therefore, in addition to the clarification
of the concept of specific PIU, it appears necessary to investigate the problematic or ad-
dictive involvement of specific online activities separately. One such example is online
video watching.
1.2. Problematic Online Video Watching Behaviors
A number of recent studies have investigated problematic video watching-related be-
haviors, including short-form online video watching addiction [
25
], problematic YouTube
use [
20
,
26
,
27
], problematic online binge watching of television series [
28
], and problematic
mukbang watching [
29
,
30
]. These studies all used self-reported psychometric scales to
assess problematic online video watching (e.g., short-form video addiction, YouTube addic-
tion, and problematic mukbang watching), typically using scales modified for assessing
social media addiction and based on six components of behavioral addiction outlined in the
addiction components model [
12
]. For example, in order to assess YouTube addiction, Bal-
akrishnan and Griffiths adapted the six items of the Bergen Facebook Addiction Scale and
replaced the word “Facebook” with “YouTube”. Zhang et al. investigated the Chinese short-
form video application TikTok [
25
]. They found that short-form online video watching
addiction was predicted by social anxiety, social isolation, platform personalization, and en-
tertainment, which were mediated by interpersonal and site attachment.
De Berail et al.
found that parasocial relationships (i.e., the relationship between individuals and others,
such as ‘YouTubers’ or celebrity idols that they do not personally know) mediated the
association between social anxiety and YouTube addiction [
27
]. Furthermore, there are
some online videos with more specific content, for example, mukbang (‘eating broadcasts’).
Kircaburun et al. found positive associations between problematic mukbang watching,
eating disorders, and internet addiction [
29
]. Balakrishnan and Griffiths identified complex
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 3 of 14
relationships between social gratification, content gratification, and YouTube activities and
YouTube addiction [
20
]. Based on these few studies, it appears that problematic/addictive
watching of online videos may exist in some contexts, with social interaction, opportunities
for personalization, and specific video content being the factors that are most associated
with the problematic behavior.
In China, several online video platforms with large numbers of users have emerged,
including ones with short-form videos, such as Bilibili and TikTok [
31
]. TikTok is one of the
most popular short-form video applications globally and contains very short 15-s videos.
Socially interacting with others was found to predict addiction to this short-form video
platform [
25
]. In addition to TikTok, there are other Chinese short-form video applications
(e.g., Kuaishou, Meipai) that require further investigation [
25
]. Another emerging Chinese
video platform is Bilibili, which contains both short-form videos and other more regular
videos. Zhang and Cassany investigated the scrolling commenting system on Bilibili
(called ‘Danmu’ comments in Chinese), which float across the online video frame while
playing [
32
]. They found that video watchers used repetitive or specific expressions and
funny words to interact with each other on Danmu while watching. Danmu comments
appear to be an important space for social interaction.
Given that social interaction issues appear to be closely related to problematic online
video watching (based on the aforementioned literature), it is important to know whether
potentially addictive behaviors exist on the video platforms with various social functions,
such as Danmu comments. Research evidence concerning potentially problematic or addic-
tive behaviors on emerging Chinese online video platforms remains limited. Therefore,
research exploration on how online video watchers in China behave on these platforms is
warranted because Chinese individuals cannot easily access the websites, such as YouTube,
from within the country.
1.3. The Present Study
Based on the aforementioned studies, there is some research evidence suggesting
the existence of online video watching addiction and its potential predictors. However,
all of this limited research is quantitative and little of it is in-depth. Therefore, qualitative
research is needed to focus more deeply on motivations to watch online videos, how such
activity makes individuals feel, and the other potential effects (both positive and nega-
tive). Therefore, the present study is qualitative and exploratory, and does not have any
hypotheses. Chinese video platforms, such as Bilibili, have specific functions (e.g., Danmu),
which are not featured on YouTube. Zhang et al. claimed there were potential demographic
and cultural differences across different online video applications, but no details were pro-
vided [
25
]. Therefore, for the specific features and diversity of the Chinese video platforms,
the present study does not focus on one specific platform, but explores a wider range of
online video watching behaviors. The study aims to investigate online video watching
behaviors, related factors (antecedents and consequences), and the potential for addiction
among Chinese young adults. Themes relating to the research aims (e.g., watching behav-
iors, antecedents, and/or consequences) identified from the participants’ interviews are
presented qualitatively. Some themes include both antecedents and consequences of online
video watching.
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Participants
Given that the highest proportion of Chinese online video platform users are
20–29 years
old (89.7%) with bachelor’s degree or above (90.2%) [
2
], the study focused on this age group
for recruitment purposes. Twenty young Chinese adults (thirteen females and seven males)
volunteered to take part in this study. Participants comprised undergraduates (
n = 11
),
postgraduates (n = 8), and an office worker (n = 1) with bachelor’s degrees, aged 20 to
24 years. The average age was 21.70 years (SD = 1.13).
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 4 of 14
2.2. Measures
A semi-structured interview was designed to investigate participants’ online video
watching behaviors, antecedents, consequences, and other perceptions. There were five
main research questions: (i) which online video platforms do individuals usually use?
(ii) What is the focus of the online videos that are watched? (iii) What are the an-
tecedents/motivations of watching online videos? (iv) What are the consequences of
online video watching? (v) Are there any addictive signs in online video watching? These
questions were proposed based on the research aims of investigating the motivations for
online video watching behaviors, related factors (antecedents and consequences), and the
potential for addiction among Chinese young adults. All participants were assumed to be
normal consumers of online video watchers prior to data collection.
2.3. Procedure
Participants were recruited using convenience sampling and snowball sampling.
They received invitations—face-to-face invitations in class by the first author and online
messages in WeChat groups. Interviews were carried out after they gave their consent
to participate. In-depth interviews were conducted, of which seven were online through
voice call on WeChat, and 13 were face-to-face. The offline interviews lasted approximately
30 min and were recorded and transcribed.
2.4. Ethics
All interviewees gave their informed consent to participate in the study and all
participants were assured that their data were anonymous and confidential. The study
was approved by the ethics committee of Soochow University (research grant number:
21XM1004). This research was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki.
All data collection conformed with data protection regulations.
2.5. Data Analysis
Thematic analysis was used to analyze the qualitative data from the interviews [
33
].
The six stages of thematic analysis were followed: (i) data familiarization (reading through
all transcripts and getting familiar with the main ideas); (ii) initial coding (conducting
coding in several transcripts and identifying initial codes); (iii) searching for themes (initial
codes being sorted in broader themes); (iv) reviewing themes (themes being reviewed
and refined by reading through all data); (v) defining and naming themes (research team
discussing and agreeing on the refined names of the themes); and (vi) producing a report
(writing up the results). Computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software (CAQDAS)
was used and the interview transcripts were inputted into NVivo Version 11 (QRS Interna-
tional, Melbourne, Australia).
3. Results
Eight themes were identified using thematic analysis comprising: (i) content is key;
(ii) types of online video watching; (iii) platform functions; (iv) personal interests; (v) watch-
ing becoming habitual; (vi) social interaction needs; (vii) reassurance needs; and (viii)
addiction-like symptoms. All eight themes can be categorized as comprising the research
aims of investigating the motivations for online video watching behaviors, antecedents,
consequences, and potentially addictive signs and consequences. Given that this is a quali-
tative paper, exact numbers are not necessarily important because qualitative research does
not try to generalize findings. However, sometimes words are used in this section to give
approximate indications of numbers: ‘most’ (more than 15 participants); ‘many’ (
10–15
par-
ticipants); ‘some’ (4–9 participants), and ‘a few’ (less than four participants).
Theme 1. Content is key.
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 5 of 14
The content of the videos was reported as the main focus of online video watching.
This theme is part of the research aim of motivations for online video watching behaviors.
Most participants reported a range of video content, including mukbang, television series,
funny clips, reality shows, travel clips, education, films, gaming, shopping, pornography,
etc. One of the increasingly popular types of funny clips was ‘auto-tune remix-themed
content’ (‘Gui-Chu’ in Chinese):
“I think ‘Gui Chu’ is a repetition of an action or a short video clip, and if you watch the
video several times, you may think this video is really funny”. (Participant 8, female,
20 years)
‘Auto-tune remix-themed content’ videos are mainly found on Bilibili, which contains
repetitive audio or videos clips usually with funny film editing. It has been defined as “a
specific genre in which a song is made by completely splitting and re-editing voice sources collected
from various audio or video” [
34
] (p. 158). Another popular type of funny clips video is the
‘rustic video’ (‘Tu-Wei’ in Chinese), which is mainly presented on short video platforms
with ‘corny’ jokes and catchy background music (which can be easily remembered and
repeated and may become ‘earworms’), and usually filmed in the countryside. For example,
Participant 3 reported that her roommate always played ‘rustic videos’ in which the
individuals had a “pretentious performance with weird makeup”. Participant 5 appeared to
dislike this type of online video:
“My roommate often watches ‘Tu Wei’ videos for a long time, but these videos are
not attractive to me. I think the background music of these videos is annoying and
sometimes brain washing [catchy], and the content is also vulgar and even unnatural”.
(Participant 5, female, 22 years)
In addition to the content of the video itself, the content of Danmu (scrolling bullet
comments) and regular comments were mentioned as an important focus during online
video watching by 15 participants. A few participants (3 out of 15) said they loved to see
Danmu and comments while watching videos. For example:
“I must watch Danmu while watching videos. I think Danmu is extraordinarily interest-
ing. It is less funny when you watch video without Danmu”. (Participant 16, female,
22 years)
“There is no soul without comment. Sometimes it is the comments rather than the content
itself that makes a video interesting”. (Participant 18, female, 23 years)
However, some participants (6 out of 15) reported that they preferred to watch videos
without Danmu unless they need to see the others’ ideas at some point in the video.
This appears to indicate the social purpose of viewing Danmu comments.
“I usually turn off Danmu while watching video unless I want to know what the
others are thinking
. . .
I get rid of Danmu because it affects my watching experience”.
(Participant 11, female, 21 years)
Overall, online video watchers not only pay attention to the content of the video,
but also to the content of Danmu or comments presented together with the video. This shows
the social function of online video watching (also discussed further below).
Theme 2. Types of online video watching.
Online videos were differentiated by the participants as being short or regular,
and livestream or recorded. This theme also concerns the motivations for online video
watching behaviors. Some described short videos as being less than one minute. They pre-
ferred to watch short videos because they could watch them in their spare time.
“I prefer short videos to regular videos. Short videos are often less than one minute,
sometime about ten seconds, which meets my needs of watching videos in small time
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 6 of 14
windows. And short videos are often more entertaining than other types of videos”.
(Participant 12, female, 21 years)
One participant explained that short videos were becoming more popular because the
pace of life is speeding up.
“I think the rise of short video is inevitable. Nowadays, the pace of society is getting
faster and faster. People are more willing to spend fragmented time on short videos.
For example, I’m following an online news channel on Bilibili. Their videos often last for
only several minutes, which saves my time a lot”. (Participant 20, male, 21)
Most participants talked about recorded online videos only, although 7 out of 20 noted
that they watched livestream selling (i.e., online live shows for marketing or promotion,
with simultaneous product ordering) (Participants 9, 16, 17), live gaming (Participant 14),
and personal livestream shows (leisure talk or singing performances hosted by influencers
or famous live-streamers) (Participants 4, 11, 12).
Theme 3. Platform function hooks.
Online video watching behaviors were greatly affected by the functional and techno-
logical hooks of online video platforms, including push notifications, recommendations,
and auto scrolling. This theme concerns the research aim for the antecedents for online
video watching. Participants (9 out of 20) were clearly aware of data mining technol-
ogy when they received push notifications or recommendations accurately adapting to
their interests.
“I am aware that the recommendations from the video platforms are based on algorithms.
For example, when I watched several mukbang videos, the platform recommended more
mukbang videos to me until I intentionally changed to another video type”. (Partici-
pant 2, male, 22 years)
“If I haven’t used this app today, it may then push some notifications to me that attracts
me to use it. And the apps often recommend something similar to what I searched or said
before. Now many apps have these functions”. (Participant 17, female, 22)
Another important function was the auto-scrolling function, which allows continuous
watching by automatically skipping to the next video.
“After I finished a video clip, the platform will play the next video automatically, and then
I may find that video is also interesting and continue to watch videos”. (Participant 16,
female, 22 years)
Theme 4. Personal interest.
All 20 participants reported that the main reason for watching online videos was their
personal interest and/or their need for information. This theme concerns the antecedents
and motivations for online video watching. They watched videos because they were
interested in specific content or topics as noted above. Some participants wanted to seek
help from the internet for specific skills, learning sources, and gaming skills. Some reported
that they watched videos because of ‘idol worship’. For example:
“I watch online videos mainly because of my favorite female pop group”. (Participant 13,
male, 23 years)
Once they acquired knowledge and skills, or specific information (e.g., mukbang,
idol’s reality show), they received content gratification. This gratification motivated further
watching behaviors. For example:
“I usually watch mukbang when doing exercise. When watching the others eating on
camera, I feel as if I am also eating the delicious food. That makes me psychologically
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 7 of 14
gratified and motivates me to watch more mukbang videos”. (Participant 10, female,
20 years)
Theme 5: Watching becoming habitual.
Watching online videos can be motivated by existing habits, but, at the same time,
one could develop new habits. This theme concerns the motivations, antecedents, and con-
sequences of online video watching. Three participants’ narratives suggest that online
video watching behaviors can become life habits, similar to watching television in their
childhood. This was not seen as harmful to their lives.
“When I was a child, I always watched cartoons after dinner every day at around 5 pm.
Now I watch online videos instead. I usually check if some of my following uploaders
have updated their channels at 7 or 8 pm. It is more like a habit, and I don’t think it is
harmful to my life”. (Participant 20, male, 21 years)
However, only participant 20 compared online video watching with cartoon watching
experiences from his childhood. It does not appear that different individuals might have
different emotional feelings on typical television watching and online videos.
One participant said she developed a habit of watching online mukbang videos during
gym exercise:
“I think watching mukbang videos on Bilibili has become a habit, which meets my needs
while exercising”. (Participant 10, female, 20 years)
Participant 13 noted that watching or listening to livestream leisure talk or chatting
with fans hosted by favorite idols was a daily practice.
“Watching live stream, usually chatting with fans, by my idol has become a daily activity
for me. Sometimes I just put my phone down and listen to it while doing the other things”.
(Participant 13, male, 23 years)
One participant believed that her online video watching was a habit rather than
an addiction:
“I have a habit of watching mukbang, but I am not addicted to it. I usually watch four or
five mukbang videos each day, and it won’t take more than half an hour”. (Participant
10, female, 20 years)
Theme 6: Social interaction needs.
Some participants mentioned social interaction issues when talking about both the
antecedents and consequences of online video watching. First, many participants watched
the videos because of their social needs (e.g., fear of missing out (two participants), peer in-
fluences (five participants), and parasocial relationship with uploaders (five participants)).
Similar to other social media, online video watching was motivated by social needs, espe-
cially the need for peer interaction, and to be able to speak to friends about the same things
they had watched.
“Some of my friends may talk about a popular video or a TV show. If I haven’t watched
them yet, I can’t understand their topics or join them. That made me frustrated”.
(Participant 1, male, 22)
Five online video watchers established their own social codes or signals that are
described as ‘memes’ (“Geng” in Chinese). Only when all the interlocutors know the
memes can they jointly understand a joke. This again showed the social nature of watching
online videos. For example:
“The memes are the ways of communication with the others. Many people around you
are talking about the memes. If you know the memes, you will know what they are talking
about. It is a necessity for social interaction”. (Participant 12, female, 21)
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 8 of 14
Some participants (5 out of 20) established parasocial relationships with the video
uploaders they were following. They felt a need to constantly check the uploaders’ updates,
just like keeping in touch with friends. For example:
“I frequently check if some of my following uploaders have updated new videos. If not,
I may feel disappointed and lost”. (Participant 2, male, 22 years)
“Some video uploaders or live stream hosts have become my virtual friends. Just like my
old friends, I will check their lives when I think of them”. (Participant 12, female, 21)
Moreover, watching online videos can have positive and negative social impacts.
Positively, some participants (7 out of 20) gained social rewards because they felt pleased
and gratified in social interaction during watching.
“I think watching live stream is interactive and immersive. It feels like you are com-
municating with the live stream host closely, and the host is talking to you. Although
I know it is not real, I get much gratification. I often watch live stream at midnight”.
(Participant 12, female, 21 years)
“Some video platforms have their own ‘Danmu culture’. Thousands of people chat
on Danmu. It makes you feel like that you are watching the recorded video together
with a lot of people simultaneously. Danmu definitely makes the video more enjoyable”.
(Participant 2, male, 22 years)
Negative impacts included social conflicts with family, friends, and strangers in public
when watching online videos was too much or too loud.
“One of my roommates often plays videos too loudly, which makes me uncomfortable and
even disgusted”. (Participant 3, female, 22)
Sometimes, social conflicts and even cyberbullying occurred in comments and Danmu
when online video watchers disagreed with each other. Participants 3, 11, and 20 all
described some users as “internet trolls” who always initiated social conflicts. Participant 2
witnessed that some users quarreled on Danmu. Participant 10 reported her experience
of cyberbullying:
“Once I commented on a video, a stranger refuted me with ten more comments
. . .
There
must be something wrong with him!”. (Participant 10, female, 20 years)
Theme 7: Reassurance needs.
This theme, like that of social interaction, includes both antecedents and consequences
of online video watching. For some participants, watching online videos was motivated by
reassurance needs and could cause mood changes. Some participants (7 out of 20) watched
online videos because of their reassurance need for recreation and escapism. For example,
Participant 10 watched mukbang videos and said:
“I usually do gym exercise in the evening. It is always a little bit boring and I’m
often hungry so I watch mukbang videos. Watching the others eating makes me feel
like I have taken their food too, which provides me with reassurance and satisfaction”.
(Participant 10, female, 20 years)
Participant 2 tried to escape from tasks at hand by watching online videos:
“Watching online videos makes me procrastinate more. Sometimes I plan to finish my
tasks after watching the video, but I always put it off to the next day. I may escape from
my tasks by watching videos”. (Participant 2, male, 22 years)
Second, there were positive or negative mood changes that were facilitated by on-
line video watching. Some participants reported feelings of relaxation, encouragement,
and being virtually accompanied after watching the online videos. For example:
“Watching online videos is an effective way to positively change my mood especially
when encountering difficulties or disappointments”. (Participant 13, male, 23)
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 9 of 14
“Many uploaders share daily lives with their pets. My cat is not with me and I always
miss it. Watching these videos makes me feel reassured and compensated”. (Partici-
pant 12, female, 21 years)
“If the online video is not played, the task at hand might be paused or stopped, [The video]
gives me a feeling of being accompanied by others”. (Participant 9, female, 20 years)
However, there were negative mood changes, such as when their favorite gaming
team lost:
“When my supported gaming team lost, I felt disappointed and frustrated in the following
two or three days. That’s the negative emotional impact of the videos”. (Participant 4,
male, 22 years)
Participant 7 watched videos because of boredom, but gained more boredom and
feelings of hollowness after watching. She appeared to be trapped in a vicious circle:
“I usually watch online videos when I’m bored. But after watching for a while, I may feel
even more bored and empty”. (Participant 7, female, 24 years)
Theme 8: Addiction-like symptoms.
Addiction or addiction-like symptoms were mentioned by 18 participants in relation
to specific video content (e.g., pornography, mukbang, television series, live gaming), short
videos (e.g., continuous scrolling), platform push notifications, social conflicts, time wasting,
and physical issues. This theme can be categorized as concerning the potential of addictive
watching. Specific content, pornography for example, was described as addictive:
“One of my friends is addicted to online pornography. She watches porn almost every
day, sometimes even excessively. Then she always feels exhausted and easily distracted
because of watching too much porn”. (Participant 5, female, 22 years)
Television series, movie series, reality shows, and uploaders’ video series were per-
ceived as addictive because some participants watched the episodes continuously and
uncontrollably. Since the complete content was split into different clips, Participant 4 stayed
up to finish the series.
“Sometimes I stay up late to watch online series, I just can’t stop it. Because the series
often have suspense at the end of one episode, it motivates me to watch the following
episode continuously. That leads to poorer sleep quality and makes me tired all day”.
(Participant 4, male, 22)
As discussed previously, platform push notifications were the key reason for continu-
ous online video watching:
“You can always receive push [notifications] and you enjoy watching the recommended
videos. The platform knows your interests and favorites”. (Participant 1, male,
22 years)
“The platform’s push [notifications] related video comes to you automatically and then
you would find this video also interesting. I used to watch short videos all day until
I ran out my phone’s power. That was horrible! I uninstalled that short video app”.
(Participant 16, female, 22 years)
In addition to content, one participant also highlighted the convenience of watching
continuously, which is brought by specific functions of short-form videos:
“With my phone in hand, I feel too easy for me to scroll down to the next video. It won’t
be that easy when I rotate my phone 90 degrees and watch videos horizontally”. (Partici-
pant 16, female, 22 years)
Time wasting was frequently reported by some as a negative consequence of online
video watching. Participants admitted they wasted too much time (“longer than expected”,
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 10 of 14
Participant 2) especially watching short online videos. Addiction-like symptoms, such as
regrets and social conflicts, were also mentioned by some. For example:
“Sometimes I keep scrolling on the video app for a whole afternoon, It’s horrible. Before
an important examination, I was anxious but still watched short videos for a long time.
I felt serious regret, but I just could not stop watching videos. That also raised some
conflicts, such as quarreling with my parents”. (Participant 7, female, 24 years)
Physical issues were also reported by a few participants as a negative effect of online
video watching:
“Watching videos excessively has bad effects on my vision, and sometimes my neck
hurts”. (Participant 7, female, 24)
4. Discussion
The present study identified eight themes in relation to online video watching: (i) con-
tent is key; (ii) types of online video watching; (iii) platform function hooks; (iv) personal
interests; (v) watching becoming habitual; (vi) social interaction needs; (vii) reassurance
needs; and (viii) addiction-like symptoms. In relation to the research questions: (i) on-
line video watchers’ key focus was on both the video content and the associated com-
ments (including simultaneous Danmu comment); (ii) the antecedents for watching online
videos included platform hooks, such as push notifications, personal interests, established
watching habits, social interaction needs, and reassurance needs; (iii) the consequences of
watching online videos included habit development, social rewards or effects, and pos-
itive or negative reassurance; and (iv) addiction-like symptoms were self-reported by
some participants.
Participants watched online videos for social interaction, educational content, and re-
laxation and it was the positive effects on online video watching that were most mentioned.
Only very specific online video content was perceived as addictive (e.g., pornography,
mukbang, boxed television series, etc.). Additionally, short-form videos (especially TikTok
videos on smartphones) were reported as addictive and time wasting due to continuous
scrolling functions on smartphones. Push notifications from the online video platforms
were reported as the key drivers for potential addictive watching. Physical issues were
also mentioned by a few participants as addiction-like symptoms. However, participants’
perceived ‘addiction-like’ symptoms in the present study do not indicate addiction or
disorder as this cannot be confirmed unless there is a clinical diagnosis and clear evidence
of daily functional impairment (of which there was little).
In line with previous theoretical models and empirical studies, the present study’s
findings concur that social interaction plays an important contributory role in online video
watching [
18
,
20
,
25
]. Participants noted that they established a kind of virtual relationship
with video uploaders and other watchers. Participant 2 said he felt “disappointed” when
there was no update from his following uploaders. This suggests a craving or desire for new
video updates, which was one phase in the gratification-compensation process described
in Brand et al.’s I-PACE model [
9
]. Brand et al. noted that cue-reactivity and craving
can be associated with addiction [
9
]. Participant 2 reported addiction-like symptoms and
consequences, including poor sleep quality, being unable to stop watching online videos,
and time wasting, together with his strong craving for uploaders’ updates. This appears to
confirm previous findings that engaging in relationships with YouTubers was a predictor
of YouTube addiction [
27
]. However, whether this participant was truly addicted to
online videos cannot be made on the basis of the interview alone. Furthermore, an earlier
study reported that information-seeking and entertainment were the most important
motives for internet use, while interpersonal communication only played a limited role [
35
].
Consequently, further quantitative studies to investigate the role of social interaction on
internet use or problematic internet use are warranted.
Similar to previous studies ([
20
,
29
,
30
]), the study’s findings confirm the importance
of specific online content in relation to potential addiction. Participants tended to refer to
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 11 of 14
specific video content (e.g., pornography, mukbang) when talking about addiction-like
symptoms. Therefore, in addition to discussing addictions to specific platforms (e.g.,
YouTube addiction), research attention also needs to be paid to potential addictions to
specific content, such as mukbang addiction. It is possible that these specific video watching
addictions might just be the reflections of the other behavioral addiction or disorders such
as eating disorder. For example, disordered eating was found to be positively associated
with problematic mukbang watching behaviors in a previous study [29].
Besides addictions to specific content, concepts, such as short-form video addic-
tion [
25
], remains unclear and debatable. Short-form videos need to be clearly defined,
as they were defined as 15-s videos in one previous study [
25
], whereas short-form videos
in the present study were described as videos less than one minute in length. Short-form
video watching was reported as addictive or problematic because of the ‘prepared’ video
content (push notifications based previous viewing behavior) and the auto-scrolling func-
tion. Participants gained reinforced gratification while repeatedly skipping through the
continuous clips, which could be explained by the recent theoretical model of specific
IUD (e.g., I-PACE model [
9
]). Addictive or problematic short-form video watching be-
haviors might be similar to the other online behavioral addictions (e.g., specific social
media addictions).
In line with findings in the extant literature [
36
,
37
], the study identified self-perceived
negative psychological effects of online activities among a small minority of individuals (in
this case, online video watching). Some participants reported that negative mood might
be elicited by social conflicts in the simultaneous Danmu comments while watching or
other post-video comments. This socially-related negative effect can also play a contrib-
utory role in other behavioral addictions/disorders, for example, social networking site
addiction [
38
]. However, the relationship between online video watching behaviors and
negative psychological effects is complex because the virtual social context needs to be
considered alongside the video content. Social conflicts appear to be one specific bridge
between online video watching behaviors and negative mood states, and warrants further
research. A recent systematic review reported that excessive social media use had limited
impact on people’s well-being [
39
]. This might also be explained by the bridging factors,
such as social conflict, between social media use and well-being.
Similar to a qualitative study on TikTok [
40
], the present study found that individu-
als watch short video videos in order to keep a “fashionable lifestyle” or keep up-to-date
with peers. This has also been reported in previous qualitative studies on problematic
smartphone use where individuals reported the importance of social pressure and peer
pressure in their continued smartphone use [
37
]. Moreover, similar to previous studies [
40
],
the catchy background music in TikTok was mentioned in the present study. However,
participants in Lu and Lu’ s study reported positive feelings concerning the catchy mu-
sic while participants in the present study said they were annoyed by the catchy music.
Consequently, the effect of such background music on subsequent behavior in short video
watching needs further exploration.
The present study identified a number of types of online video watching that have
not been sufficiently investigated in previous studies, including: videos with Danmu
comments (i.e., comments floating across the screen while the online video is playing),
videos with auto-tune remix-themed content (i.e., videos containing repetitive audio or
videos clips usually with funny film editing), and rustic videos (videos with corny jokes
usually filmed in the countryside). Danmu comments have previously been studied from a
linguistics perspective [
32
], but were not associated with potential addictive or problem-
atic internet use. Participants in the present study expressed diverse behaviors towards
Danmu. For instance, some shut down Danmu comments while others focused on Danmu
constantly when watching the online videos. Social conflicts, social gratification, and sense
of parasocial relationships were reported in relation to Danmu comments. Considering
the close relationship between problematic video watching and social interaction noted in
previous studies, further investigation as to whether Danmu comments are associated with
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 12 of 14
online video watching addiction is needed. Furthermore, the auto-tune remix-themed con-
tent and rustic content in Chinese online video platforms were reported as either attractive
or annoying among different individuals. Therefore, further investigation is required into
these specific forms of emerging video content in relation to habitual behavior.
There are some limitations in the present study. First, the participants might have
given socially desirable answers in the interviews. They might have exaggerated or
concealed some behaviors or feelings concerning their online video watching. This issue
needs to be addressed, even though the interviewer in the present study was experienced
in conducting interviews for qualitative research. Second, surveys and psychometric
instruments were not used in the present study. Future studies could combine different
data collection methods to triangulate with qualitative data. For example, the items
assessing YouTube addiction used by Balakrishnan and Griffiths [
20
] could be adapted
to assess potential addictive behaviors among Chinese video platform watchers. Other
methods, such as focus groups and participatory action research, could be used to collect
data on this topic. There are clearly other methods (additional to one-to-one interviews)
that could be employed to investigate the environmental and individual effects concerning
online video watching usage. Another potential limitation might be the convenience
sample because their responses only represent the perceptions of a very small number of
participants. Future studies might recruit a larger sample with different age levels using
stratified sampling to further explore online video watching. Other future studies should
attempt to use clinical samples of treatment-seeking individuals as none of the individuals
in the present study were known problematic users.
There are also some possible directions for future studies. First, more studies should
focus on addictive or problematic watching behaviors relating to specific video content
(e.g., auto-tune remix-themed content). Second, future studies need to investigate whether
short-form video addiction exists as a single entity or whether it simply belongs to the
more generic category of social media addiction. Third, Danmu comments, as a typical
function of Chinese video platforms, should be explored from other perspectives, including
linguistics and communication. Fourth, future studies might use (as aforementioned) other
data collection methods (e.g., focus groups and social network analysis) to investigate
problematic online video watching behaviors as a consumption problem from a social
perspective. Future studies need to control and select the samples’ characteristics care-
fully, in order to corroborate relevant research evidence. It should also be noted that the
present study mainly focused on the watching behaviors on video platforms, whereas
the uploading of video content was not included. Since online video platforms, such as
YouTube, Bilibili, and TikTok have both video uploading and sharing functions [
20
,
31
],
it is therefore necessary for future studies to investigate online video consumption more
generally, including video watching, uploading, and sharing behaviors. The frequency
of video applications usage and the total time spent on video watching are the possible
directions for data collection. Finally, further research should also investigate whether
individuality and the capacity for abstraction when individuals enter the microworld of
their smartphone has the same emotional, familial, and relational impact as the habit of
watching cartoons or similar television programs.
5. Conclusions
The present study explored online video watching among Chinese young adults, using
a qualitative design. In line with previous studies, in addition to information seeking and
entertainment, social interaction was a key driver in online video watching. Furthermore,
addiction-like symptoms were reported regarding specific video content (e.g., pornogra-
phy), program types (e.g., short-form video, series box-sets), and continuous watching
driven by platform push notifications. This study contributes to the limited literature
on problematic video watching behaviors on Chinese emerging platforms (e.g., Bilibili,
TikTok), which have different features from the other widely used online video platforms,
such as YouTube. Further investigations are needed on problematic watching behaviors of
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 7247 13 of 14
specific online video content (e.g., auto-tune remix-themed content), new forms of online
social interaction during video watching (e.g., Danmu comments), problematic short-form
video watching (e.g., problematic TikTok use), and video sharing behaviors. Different
research methods (e.g., mixed-methods designs, and large-scale surveys using stratified
sampling with a wider and more representative range of age groups) can be utilized to
further explore this topic. Moreover, individual differences and sociodemographic back-
grounds need to be considered in future studies concerning online video watching as well
as a more detailed analysis of the techniques used by streaming platforms that facilitate
repeated viewing (e.g., use of algorithms).
Author Contributions:
Conceptualization, Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang); methodology, Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang), Z.Y.
(Zhihao Yan) and W.X.; soft-ware, Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang); validation, Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang); formal analysis,
Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang); investigation, Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang); resources, Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang); data curation,
Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang); writing—original draft prep-aration, Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang), Z.Y. (Zhihao Yan)
and W.X.; writing—review and editing, Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang) and M.D.G.; project administration, Z.Y.
(Zeyang Yang); funding acquisition, Z.Y. (Zeyang Yang). All authors have read and agreed to the
published version of the manuscript.
Funding: This research was funded by Soochow University, grant number 21XM1004.
Institutional Review Board Statement:
The study was conducted according to the guidelines of the
Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Ethics Committee of Soochow University.
Informed Consent Statement:
Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.
Data Availability Statement:
The data presented in this study are available on request from the
corresponding author. The data are not publicly available due to privacy.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.
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