RECONSIDERATION
OF
Memorials and Monuments
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How to Make a Podcast
By Marieke Van Damme and Dan Yaeger
INSIDE: TECHNICAL LEAFLET
AUTUMN 2016 VOLUME 71, #4
THE MAGAZINE OF THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR STATE AND LOCAL HISTORY
Contents
Departments
Features
7 Reconsideration of Memorials and
Monuments
By Modupe Labode
12 Fighting Civil Rights and the Cold War:
Confederate Monuments at Gettysburg
By Jill Ogline Titus
20 Finding Meaning in Monuments: Atlanta
History Center Enters Dialogue on Confederate
Symbols
By F. Sheffield Hale
26 Redefining History and Heritage at Virginia’s
Colleges and Universities
By Kelley Fanto Deetz, Bradley Lynn Coleman, Jody Allen, and
Thomas E. Camden
3 On Doing Local History
By Carol Kammen
5 The Whole is Greater
By Dina Bailey
32 Award Winner Spotlight
By Terri Blanchette
34 Book Reviews
By Bonnie Stacy and Elizabeth P. Stewart
EDITOR Bob Beatty | ADVERTISING Hannah Hethmon
DESIGN Go Design, LLC: Gerri Winchell Findley, Suzanne Pfeil
PAGE
12
PAGE
20
PAGE
32
PAGE
26
ON THE COVER
In 2002, the
State of Colorado
reinterpreted its
original Civil War
monument to
include a plaque
acknowledging
the Sand Creek
Massacre. From
1909-2002, Sand
Creek was listed among “Battles
and Engagements” in which Coloradans fought
during the war. Photo Max van Balgooy
AUTUMN 2016
2
OFFICERS
Katherine Kane, Chair (2016-2018)
Harriet Beecher Stowe Center
John Fleming, Vice Chair (2016-2018)
National Museum of African American Music
Julie Rose, Immediate Past Chair (2016-2018)
West Baton Rouge Museum
Norman Burns, II, Treasurer (2016-2018)
Conner Prairie Interactive History Park
Linnea Grim, Secretary (2016-2018)
Thomas Jefferson’s Monticello
Erin Carlson Mast, Council’s Representative (Class of 2019)*
President Lincoln’s Cottage
From the Editor
A
s keepers of community history and memory, history
organizations provide contemporary context. It’s one
of our most important roles, and one of the seven core
values of history: “By bringing history into discussions
about contemporary issues, we can better understand the
origins of and multiple perspectives on the challenges
facing our communities and nation.” The remembered
past through public monuments provides an opportunity
to “clarify misperceptions, reveal complexities, temper
volatile viewpoints, open people to new possibilities, and
lead to more effective solutions for today’s challenges.”
1
This History News highlights considerations about
monuments of the Civil War era. I can think of no other
event in American history whose memory is as hotly
contested. As communities continue to grapple with the
war’s legacies, they are turning their attention to its public
memorials. This, in turn, brings to the fore conversations
about the motives of those who created them. Simply, they
are not artifacts of 1861-1865 but are instead a reflection
of the specific time period in which they were erected.
This is an important distinction, one our organizations can
help make.
Other questions follow. Does leaving them in situ
officially sanction the activities of the honoree(s)? Does
displacement allow future generations to gloss over the
negative aspects of the past—with these very public
reminders gone? How does removing these monuments
affect preservation of the built environment? And what
role should history institutions play in
discussions of what to do?
Charlie Bryan, President and CEO
Emeritus of the Virginia Historical
Society, provided an answer to the latter.
The best historians are revisionists,
he wrote, “looking at familiar subjects
from unique perspectives to come up with new ways of
describing the past.”
2
Monuments and memorials offer an opportunity for
history organizations to do just this, while also educating
the public about the processes of our discipline. There
is no prescriptive answer, but moments like these are
where we can provide one of our most valuable services: a
convener of dialog about how history impacts the present.
This entire conversation ultimately comes down to the
issue of relevance. And relevant history is inclusive history.
This is something Dina Bailey discusses in the inaugural
entry of a new quarterly History News column, “The Whole
is Greater.” We are grateful to Dina for being our first
contributor to this feature.
Bob Beatty
1
History Relevance Campaign, “The Value of History: Seven Ways it is
Essential,” www.historyrelevance.com/value-statement.
2
Charles F. Bryan, Jr., Imperfect Past: History in a New Light (Manakin-
Sabot, VA: Dementi Milestone Publishing, Inc., 2015), 126-127.
AASLH
STAFF
Aja Bain, Program Coordinator
Bob Beatty, Chief of Engagement
Cherie Cook, Senior Program Manager
John R. Dichtl, President and CEO
Bethany L. Hawkins, Chief of Operations
Hannah Hethmon, Membership Marketing Coordinator
Terry Jackson, Membership and Database Coordinator
Sylvia McGhee, Finance and Business Manager
Amber Mitchell, Education and Services Coordinator
COUNCIL
Bill Adair, Pew Center for Arts & Heritage (Class of 2018)
Melanie Adams, Minnesota Historical Society (Class of 2020)
Dina Bailey, Mountain Top Vision, LLC (Class of 2018)
Marian Carpenter, State of Delaware Historical & Cultural Affairs
(Class of 2019)
Kim Fortney, National History Day (Class of 2020)
Janet Gallimore, Idaho State Historical Society (Class of 2017)
Leigh A. Grinstead, LYRASIS (Class of 2018)
Jane Lindsey, Juneau-Douglas City Museum (Class of 2017)
Nicola Longford, Sixth Floor Museum at Dealey Plaza (Class of 2018)
Kyle McKoy, Indiana Historical Society (Class of 2020)
Sarah Pharaon, International Coalition of Sites of Conscience (Class of
2019)
Will Ticknor, New Mexico Department of Cultural Affairs (Class of
2019)
Ken Turino, Historic New England (Class of 2017)
Tobi Voigt, Detroit Historical Society (Class of 2017)
Scott Wands, Connecticut Humanities Council (Class of 2020)
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HISTORY NEWS
7
The Jasper, Alabama, chapter of the United Daughters of
the Confederacy dedicated this monument in 1907. In 2016,
Alabama’s legislators considered a bill that would have
banned cities from removing historic monuments without
state permission, but the measure failed to become a law.
RECONSIDERATION
of
Memorials
and
Monuments
may regard the vehement arguments over these symbols and
the calls for removal of monuments as a new part of twenty-
first-century life, protests over the display of Confederate
monuments and emblems go back decades.
1
This issue of History News features three articles, each
offering perspectives on the history and present-day legacy
of the symbols and history of slavery and the Confederacy.
Jill Ogline Titus discusses the history of Confederate memo-
rials on the Gettysburg battlefield. F. Sheffield Hale, presi-
dent and CEO of the Atlanta History Center, describes the
sophisticated, user-friendly toolkit that his staff developed to
help organizations and individuals interpret monuments to
the Confederacy. Finally, Kelley Fanto Deetz, Bradley Lynn
Coleman, Jody Allen, and Thomas E. Camden describe the
work of a coalition of colleges and universities recognizing
their fundamental connections to slavery and commemo-
rating the lives of enslaved people who lived and worked at
these institutions.
C
ommunities throughout the
United States are in the midst of
a widespread reconsideration of
symbols of the Confederacy and
white supremacy. The murder
of nine African Americans in Charleston, South
Carolina, in June 2015 is the most immediate
cause of this scrutiny, but the national discussion
of race and violence that emerged in response to
the deaths of Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown
has also led communities to examine monuments.
The debates over Confederate statues and symbols are con-
centrated in the South, but are also occurring in places like
Harvard Law School, which recently removed a shield hon-
oring the slaveholding Royall family. Although some people
By Modupe LaBode
Jet Lowe, Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division
Daughters of the Confederacy sponsored monuments in
towns and cities throughout the region. Scholars Kirk Savage
and John Winberry have documented that, over time, the
preferred site for these monuments shifted from cemeteries
to civic spaces such as parks and courthouse squares. These
obelisks, plaques, and statues not only honored individuals or
common soldiers, but also asserted that the values for which
the Confederacy fought, including white supremacy, had not
been defeated. This monument building was part of a social,
political, and cultural movement that celebrated the Lost
Cause in official and popular culture.
2
In the late 1800s and early 1900s, anyone would have
understood the connection between a Confederate statue
and the ongoing economic, legal, social, and political sub-
ordination of African Americans. Racial violence, in the
form of lynching, racial cleansing, and everyday harassment,
enforced this social order through terror.
In addition to Confederate monuments, southerners
created monuments overtly celebrating white supremacy,
such as the commemoration of the 1874 Battle of Liberty
Place, in which the White League led a coup against a
New Orleans government made up of white and African
American men. A subset of monuments placed before World
War II focused on the “faithful slave” or free black individual
who presumably allied with aristocratic whites. One of the
most notorious of these monuments is the “Good Darky”
statue of a deferential black man tipping his hat to passersby,
which stood for decades in Natchitoches, Louisiana.
3
After World War II, protesters challenging Jim Crow
confronted segregationists who embraced symbols of the
Confederacy, particularly the Confederate battle flag, to
signal opposition to African American civil rights. From the
1970s, civil rights activists and supporters began promoting
monuments, street names, and plaques to commemorate the
struggle, African American history, and sites associated with
slavery and lynching.
4
Architectural historian Dell Upton argues that even as
African Americans in the South gained political and eco-
nomic strength, powerful whites have retained the ability
T
hese articles
provide examples
of how museums
and cultural institutions are
engaging with the history of
slavery and monuments to
the Confederacy, but they do
not provide a one-size-fits-
all template for communities
grappling with this issue. Such
a tool cannot exist, in large part because each community
discussing these monuments must engage with both the
local historical context and larger historical trends. Because
the discussions of Confederate monuments are local
and engage with interpretations of the past, institutions
concerned with local and state history could be involved in
their communities as they contend with these issues. Yet
many history organizations appear to be uncertain about
what they should do or say about these monuments or have
opted to maintain official silence, fearing that any statement
could alienate local politicians, donors, friends, and
neighbors. Silence, however, often speaks volumes.
This introduction provides a brief overview of how these
Confederate monuments came to be placed in the land-
scape and then discusses strategies used in the recent past to
respond to criticism of these monuments. Ideally, museums
and museum workers can use these articles and resources
to deepen the discussion of Confederate symbols in their
communities.
Memorials honoring Confederate soldiers and generals
began appearing in the South during the latter part of the
nineteenth century as organizations such as the United
Carol M. Highsmith, Library of Congress
There are Confederate monuments even
in states that fought for the North. This
1901 monument in Monroe County,
West Virginia, was dedicated to “men
who served the lost cause.”
n the spring of 1865, large swaths of the former Confederate
states lay in ruins. Four years of war had left its economy at a
standstill and roughly four million slaves freed. Within a short
period of time, white southerners commenced with the difficult
task of reconstructing their lives and rebuilding their society.
That included justifying the hefty toll of the war and on the South
and the rest of the world.
Edward A. Pollard, the editor of the Richmond Examiner, introduced
the term “Lost Cause” in 1866 in his book The Lost Cause: A New
Southern History of the War of the Confederates. Although it never
followed anything close to an official playbook, this Lost Cause
narrative quickly coalesced around a certain set of assumptions
about the war, including its causes and consequences. Among
Origin of the Lost Cause Narrative By Kevin M. Levin
other things, Lost Cause writers insisted the southern loss on the
battlefield was due to the overwhelming resources of the North and
not the failure of its generals or the wavering support of southern
enlisted men and its broader populace. Lost Cause writers deified
Generals Lee and Jackson and Confederate soldiers as embodying
the virtues of bravery, sacrifice, and Christian morality.
Slavery, they argued, was not a negative, but benefited the black
race; it functioned as the foundation of a peaceful society before
the war, a culture that stood far superior to the violent, industrial
North. Therefore, African Americans showed unwavering support
for the Confederacy through the very end of the war. In contrast
to Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens, who spoke for
many when he argued early in the war that slavery constituted the
AUTUMN 2016
8
to force many memorials focusing on African American
history to conform to their tastes, often muting the message
of these monuments. As monuments commemorating the
Civil Rights Movement started changing the landscape, the
historical markers, monuments, and other memorials to the
Confederacy came under increasing scrutiny. Today’s propos-
als to alter Confederate symbols in public spaces draw on
strategies that have developed over decades: alteration, rein-
terpretation, creating new monuments, removal, and doing
nothing. Many communities have used several strategies
over the years. These alternatives, it is important to note,
are not exhaustive strategies for engaging with Confederate
memorials.
5
Altering a Confederate monument has the potential to
make profound changes in its meaning. In Tennessee, the
Maury County African American Heritage Society and the
Genealogical Society of Maury County led the effort to add
the names of county residents who fought for the Union to
the local war memorial. A ceremony in 2013 dedicated a stone
slab engraved with the names of fifty-four African American
men who served in the United States Colored Troops
(USCT) and four white men who fought for the Union.
Many of the men who served in the USCT had been enslaved
and were fighting to end slavery and ensure the permanent
freedom of their families. Newspaper reports do not reveal
the process by which this remarkable project occurred. The
simple listing of names may prompt viewers to reconsider
their previous ideas about who fought in the Civil War and
their motivations.
6
Reinterpretation of monuments, through reading rails
or plaques, allows the original monument to be preserved.
Ideally, the viewer is able to develop a complex interpreta-
tion of the monument, but also of memorialization more
generally. Qualitative evaluation would help historians
understand whether or not the plaques are achieving this
goal. If the reinterpretation is conducted in collaboration
with people who have divergent positions on the monument,
the project itself may provide an opportunity for discussion
and, potentially, understanding.
Ari Kelman and Kenneth Foote
have analyzed what they consider
to be the successful reinterpreta-
tion of a Union monument that
describes the 1864 Sand Creek
Massacre—in which Colorado
Territory troops attacked a
peaceful village of Cheyenne and
Arapaho people and killed more
than 150 individuals—as a Civil
War battle. (Full disclosure: I had
a small part in the process of reinterpreting this monument.)
Several factors made this reinterpretation possible: the
cultural and moral authority of Cheyenne and Arapaho rep-
resentatives, many of whom had relatives killed in the massa-
cre; the willingness of these nations to be officially involved
in reinterpreting the monument; the widespread consensus
among non-indigenous power brokers that the Sand Creek
Massacre was indefensible; and the marginal standing of
those who sought to minimize the massacre. Comparable
factors may not exist in many communities seeking to rein-
terpret Confederate monuments.
7
Installing a new monument to contextualize or counter
Confederate monuments is another strategy. Many com-
memorations of the Civil Rights Movement have been placed
near Confederate memorials. Dell Upton calls this practice
“dual heritage.” Although such placement means civil rights
monuments are in prominent, familiar locations, Upton
argues that this strategy conveys the message that the civil
rights struggles are equivalent to the Confederacy. Several
monuments successfully avoid this form of equivalency, honor
people victimized by white supremacy, and convey the power
and complexity of the civil rights struggle. A short list of
Max van Balgooy
A plaque dedicated in 2002
reinterpreted the Civil War Monument
in Denver, Colorado, which originally
described the Sand Creek Massacre as
a battle.
“cornerstone” of the South’s new government, Lost Cause writers
now insisted that the southern states seceded not in defense of
slavery, but in solidarity with the states’ rights cause.
Women took the early lead in commemorating the Lost Cause by
decorating Confederate graves. These activities led to the formation
of ladies’ memorial associations throughout the South and served
as a foundation for the larger United Daughters of the Confederacy
organized later in the century. By the beginning of the twentieth
century, the Lost Cause was the dominant narrative of the Civil War
in the South and served as the backdrop for the rise of Jim Crow
segregation and the dedication of numerous monuments in states
across the former Confederacy, including Kentucky and Maryland,
which never seceded from the Union. Veterans’ reunions and
monument dedications helped to pass on the Lost Cause narrative
to a new generation.
The Lost Cause also resonated outside the South, as evidenced by
the success of the 1939 Hollywood screen adaptation of Margaret
Mitchell’s Gone With the Wind. The characters of “Mammy” and
“Pork,” along with scenes of loyal slaves before and during the war
as well as loyal ex-slaves during Reconstruction, point to the Lost
Cause’s strong hold on American memory. The current debate about
the public display of Confederate iconography attests to the Lost
Cause’s hold on the nation’s collective memory of the Civil War.
Kevin M. Levin is a historian and educator based in
Boston. He is the author of Remembering the Battle of
the Crater: War as Murder and is currently working on
Searching for Black Confederate Soldiers: The Civil War’s
Most Persistent Myth, under advance contract with the University of
North Carolina Press. You can find him online at cwmemory.com.
HISTORY NEWS
9
Monument to Confederate Soldiers and Sailors of Alabama, Montgomery, Alabama Carol M. Highsmith, Library of Congress
AUTUMN 2016
10
pling with important issues that cannot be easily articulated,
let alone resolved. How are race, identity, and history inter-
twined? What does the symbolic and historic Confederacy
mean, both in the South and in the nation? What roles should
museums and cultural organizations play in determining what
communities should preserve and how the past should be
interpreted? Some people worry that discussing these issues
causes racial dissent. However, it is important to recognize
that these conversations are already occurring in private
or semiprivate spaces, from living rooms to Facebook, and
are already affecting people’s public actions and statements.
Museums can choose whether or not to engage in the com-
munity discussion, but they should begin these discussions
within their own walls. The ability of museums to preserve,
care for, and interpret the contentious past is dependent upon
these discussions. Many museum workers have complicated
relationships to the history of slavery and the Confederacy,
which they are reluctant to discuss with their coworkers, or
anyone outside of their families. Yet, without honest engage-
ment with the difficult past represented by Confederate
symbols, the ability of history museums to engage in their
core mission—interpreting the past—will be compromised.
Modupe Labode is an associate professor of history and
museum studies at Indiana University-Purdue University
Indianapolis. Before working at IUPUI, she was the state
historian at the Colorado Historical Society. Throughout
such monuments includes: Maya Lin’s Civil Rights Memorial
in Montgomery, Alabama; the commemoration complex in
Birmingham’s Kelly Ingram Park; and the Clayton Jackson
McGhie memorial in Duluth, Minnesota, that honors three
African American men murdered by a lynch mob.
8
Demands to remove monuments bring up fundamental
questions about the purpose of commemoration. Should
monuments in public spaces represent ideal community
values? If these values are no longer acceptable, what should
happen to the monuments? Many involved in public history
or historic preservation recoil from proposals to remove
these memorials, concerned about what will be lost if the
monuments are moved. Protesters calling for the removal of
these memorials emphasize that they take these symbols of
white supremacy seriously and highlight the harm they expe-
rience when they encounter such monuments in their daily
lives. Some protesters suggest memorials be placed in less
prominent locations or in museums. Historian Aleia Brown,
writing about the Confederate battle flag, raises concerns
about the ability of many museums to provide adequate
interpretation of this racially charged object. Her concerns
also apply to interpretation of these monuments. In his blog,
Kirk Savage has suggested that if monuments are removed,
an empty column should remain, to remind viewers of what
the public had renounced.
9
Confronting Confederate symbols and memorials is a com-
plex task in part because an honest discussion requires grap-
HISTORY NEWS
11
her career as a practitioner and academic-based public historian, she
has worked with historical markers and other forms of interpretation.
She is currently researching Fred Wilson’s proposed work of public
art, E Pluribus Unum, which was to be a reinterpretation of the fig-
ure of a freed African American on the Indiana Soldiers and Sailors
Monument. She can be reached at [email protected].
ResouRces:
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Library,
Commemorative Landscapes of North Carolina, docsouth.unc.edu/
commland.
Foote, Kenneth E., Shadowed Ground: America’s Landscapes of
Violence and Tragedy. Revised Edition. Austin: University of Texas
Press, 2003.
Kelman, Ari. A Misplaced Massacre: Struggling over the Memory of
Sand Creek. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013.
Southern Poverty Law Center. “Whose Heritage? Public Symbols of
the Confederacy,” 2016, available at go.aaslh.org/SPLCforHN.
1
Harvard Law Today, “Law School Committee Recommends Retiring Current
Shield,” Harvard Law Today, March 4, 2016; Harvard Law School Library, Ask a
Librarian! “Q. What Are the Origins of the Harvard Law School Shield that Was
Retired in 2016?”
2
Jonathan Leib and Gerald Webster, “On Remembering John Winberry and
the Study of Confederate Monuments on the Southern Landscape,” Southeastern
Geographer 55, no. 1 (Spring 2015): 8-18; Kirk Savage, Standing Soldiers, Kneeling
Slaves: Race, War, and Monument in Nineteenth-Century America (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1997).
3
Joan Marie Johnson, “‘Ye Gave Them a Stone’: African American Women’s
Clubs, the Frederick Douglass Home, and the Black Mammy Monument,’”
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Journal of Women’s History 17, no. 1 (2005): 62-86. The city removed this statue,
often called “Uncle Jack,” from public view in the 1960s, and the Louisiana State
University Rural Life Museum eventually acquired it. Over the years, the museum
has struggled with where to place the object and how to interpret it. See: “Uncle
Jack Statue,” Louisiana Regional Folklife Program, go.aaslh.org/UncleJackStatue;
Adam Duvernay, “Statue of Black Man Has History of Controversy,” LSU Now,
October 6, 2009; Fiona Handley, “Memorializing Race in the Deep South: The
‘Good Darkie’ Statue, Louisiana, USA,” Public Archaeology 6, no. 2 (2007): 98-115.
4
Richard Schein’s article describes how a historical marker about the sale of
enslaved people in Lexington, Kentucky, changes the meaning of a space previ-
ously dominated by statues focusing on the Confederacy. Richard H. Schein, “A
Methodological Framework for Interpreting Ordinary Landscapes: Lexington,
Kentucky’s Courthouse Square,” Geographical Review 99, no. 3 (July 2009):
377-402. For efforts to commemorate the 1918 lynching of Mary Turner, Julie
Buckner Armstrong, Mary Turner and the Memory of Lynching (Athens: University
of Georgia Press, 2011); The Mary Turner Project, www.maryturner.org; and the
Georgia Historical Society marker commemorating the site where Turner was
murdered: go.aaslh.org/GHSMaryTurner.
5
Owen J. Dwyer and Derek Alderman, Civil Rights Memorials and the Geography
of Memory (Chicago: Center for American Places at Columbia College, 2008).
6
“58 Maury Civil War Soldiers Added to Monument,” Columbia Daily Herald,
October 19, 2013.
7
Kenneth E. Foote, “Editing Memory and Automobility and Race: Two
Learning Activities on Contested Heritage and Place,” Southeastern Geographer
53, no. 4 (Winter 2012): 384-97; Ari Kelman, “For Liberty and Empire:
Remembering Sand Creek, Rethinking the Civil War,” Common-Place 14, no. 2
(Winter 2014).
8
Dell Upton, What Can and Can’t Be Said: Race, Uplift, and Monument Building
in the Contemporary South (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015). For the
Duluth memorial, see Erika Doss, Monument Mania: Public Feeling in America
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012) and Clayton Jackson McGhie
Memorial, Inc. www.claytonjacksonmcghie.org.
9
Derek H. Alderman and Owen J. Dwyer, “A Primer on the Geography of
Memory: The Site and Situation of Commemorative Landscapes,” Commemorative
Landscapes of North Carolina, 2012; Aleia Brown, “The Confederate Flag Doesn’t
Belong in a Museum,” Slate.com, June 25, 2015; Kirk Savage, “What to Do with
Confederate Monuments,” November 15, 2015.
